We, in America, are bigger, wealthier, more complex than it is, and our difficulties and advantages are both greater; but our Constitution provides for many independent political units, of different sizes, from precincts to states, all federated into one inclusive whole. We can experiment - and are even now in the act of experimenting - both on a big scale, and on many little ones. We have the necessary freedom to adapt our experiments to different localities and kinds of people. Living among us are people from every section of the globe, each one having something of excellence to contribute to the whole. What we need in order to bring these divergent values into focus, is a definite idea of the goal we are seeking.

That goal Plato set forth, long ago. The business of government, he said, is to see that men not only live, but live well.

And the method of procedure, Jesus added, was to do to others what we wish them to do to us.

What we wish others to do to us, we have already formally declared: We wish our government to secure to all of us, regardless of race, sex, or class, our inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

This statement implies those seven essentials without any one of which no man or country can be happy.

With this three-fold recognition of the common goal - which nowhere necessitates war, and which the masses of men would hasten to accept did we we only consistently live up to it ourselves - with this goal in view, we have only to move on, each one in his own place and way, to its detailed realization. Our Revolution, begun 163 years ago, is not yet complete. We have now to live up to our own declaration of principles and rights and fill with definite practical meaning, in terms of money, of political action, of business, and of family life, that which we saw so clearly when first we came from Europe to this New World

• • •

As this conclusion is written, comes news of Estonia’s Pact and Trade Agreement with Russia. The incidents that immediately led up to it were reported in the American papers as follows:

A Polish submarine, the Orzel, during the Polish struggle against Germany, was interned in Tallinn harbor. In some way she was allowed to escape, with her whole crew. She promptly sank the Russian ship, Metallist, whereupon Russia entered a vigorous protest, claiming the Orzel had not only been allowed to escape from Tallinn, but had been refueled and rearmed there. Recognizing Estonia’s peril, President Päts broadcast to the whole world that he deeply regretted the unfortunate incident and had dismissed the official responsible. This official had acknowledged that he had mistakenly permitted the interned crew of the submarine to go aboard to collect their belongings; and that they had taken advantage of his leniency to flee, submarine and all.

Russia was not satisfied with this explanation, especially when, a few days later, another Russian ship, the Pioneer, was sunk by the Orzel at the Mouth of the Narva harbor. This time, Estonia was in real danger of Russian reprisals.

Summoned by Stalin, Karl Selter, the Estonian Foreign Minister, flew to Moscow. Readers of this book will remember that we had tea in Keila Joa with his beautiful wife, who, by practising her profession of dentistry while he was yet only a factory worker, had helped him to get the University education that had prepared him for his high post. At Moscow, he received the Russian proposals, which were said to be so severe that he frequently called out in a loud voice, “No! No!” as they were being read. He flew back with them to Tallinn that same night, to consult his own government. They had a few days of rather stormy discussion, and when he returned to Moscow he was accompanied by Prof. J. Uluots, President of the Estonan National Assembly. and Prof. A. Piip, Estonian expert on international law. A few years ago, Prof. Piip was Exchange Professor of Roman Law at the University of California at Los Angeles. These two men were representative of the social-minded intellectuals who have had so much to do with guiding Estonian affairs; and the compromise agreement finally arrived at is a good illustration of what can be done in the thorniest situations when men of intelligence and good will get together.

Evidently the realistic Estonians realized that they must yield something to the overwhelming force that they had drawn down upon themselves; but they hoped to yield those things that were of great importance to Russia and of slight importance to themselves; and to preserve those things that were of the first importance to them, and of slight importance to Russia. This they accomplished by giving Russia a lease for ten years on Paldiski, that undeveloped harbor Catherine the Great had cursed because it cost her so much. It was the dreamy place where I went with Elizabet Pirson on the “interest train” and saw the sculptures of Amandus Adamson. It looked to me as if not more than twenty-five people lived there. The ocean was ice-free the year round, but it would take much money and labor to complete the development Catherine had put a stop to. Estonia, never a naval power, did not need it; and Russia, locked up all winter in her ice-bound harbor of Kronstadt, certainly did.

(To be continued)

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