American foreign policy has been under siege ever since it became apparent that military action in Afghanistan and Iraq would not return the balance of power in the world back to the side that firmly favours freedom. It is the State Department's mission to run America's diplomacy, and this week's confirmation hearings of Secretary of State-designate Condoleezza Rice proved very informative as to the direction Foggy Bottom will be taking under her stewardship.

Her showing in front of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee January 18th was polished, professional and resulted in a 16-2 approval vote. The only dissenters were Democratic Senators John Kerry, perhaps still smarting at his election loss, and the feisty and partisan Barbara Boxer from California, the only one of the Senators to needlessly question Rice's integrity. A full Senate vote of approval still needs to be conducted, the Democrats are delaying official confirmation. It seems certain, however, that Rice will become the first black woman to become the top diplomat in the U.S. as the 66th Secretary of State. Much can be made of her appointment, not in support of any affirmative action but as the best possible candidate for the job.

Television showed a confident and erudite diplomat outlining the critical direction of the next four years without bombast or playing to the camera. The majority of what Rice said was to be expected - Americans cannot deliver public remarks, it seems, without emphasizing the continuing values of democracy and freedom. The new Secretary of State's remarks lead one to hope, however, that this diplomat will have the freedom to operate according to her beliefs. Predecessor Colin Powell, while the consummate diplomat in public reportedly disagreed in private on key issues with the Commander in Chief. Rice, unlike Powell, has Bush’s ear and more importantly, a long friendship.

Rice told the Senators that diplomacy will be the key to the Bush administration's foreign policy in its second term. The president and the nation were thrust into a war on terrorism that inevitably influenced the use of tact and negitiations. Boxer was barbed in her criticism of the justifications given for the Iraq war, especially seeing as no weapons of mass destruction were found. Hindsight is always crystal clear, and politicians such as the very ambitious Boxer never pass up such moments. And it is true, as Delaware Democrat Joseph Biden, the committee's ranking member said - despite America's military might, the U.S. is more alone in the world than its been in any time in recent memory. Biden cast his vote for Rice, perhaps swayed by the former National Security Adviser's aggressive understanding of the times.

Rice has come under fire for a remark made during the 2000 election campaign (a time when the terrorists had not yet turned conventional governing concepts upside down), suggesting that the United States did not need to concern itself with nation building any longer. In 2005 she admits that stance is no longer valid. Taking September 11th, 2001 as a defining moment for our nation and the world, Rice outlined America's challenges since: "fighting tyranny and terror, and securing the blessings of freedom and prosperity for a new generation." The war and its sacrifices are America's work. (Unspoken was the understanding that America must lead.) Rice is set on making the world safer, and the world more free. This is to be achieved through "transformational diplomacy." Speaking in classic balance of power terms, Rice reminded many that she is a member of the realpolitik school of foreign diplomacy. That is, forging policy based on an estimation of what one's opponent really wants, rather than what he says he wants - combined with a willingness to assert force when necessary.

This is reminiscent of the Cold War years, and little wonder. Rice is an expert on the former Soviet Union, and her knowledge of things Russian may influence Bush's seeming desire to remain pals with Putin. Rice notably addressed what she called the "outposts of tyranny." There are six of these in today's world - she listed Belarus, Burma, Cuba, Iran, North Korea and Zimbabwe. Not quite the same ring as the "axis of evil" coined by David Frum for her boss. Russia is not seen as an outpost of evil anymore, Rice was guarded in saying that in Russia "the path to democracy is uneven and its success is not yet assured."

Much has been made in recent days of possible plans to dissuade Iran from continuing with its nuclear program. The other five on this list are countries that the U.S. needs to have international partners along side with in diplomatic dealings.

Rice admitted that this policy would necessitate effort on the part of the State Department. "Americans should make a serious effort to understand other cultures and learn foreign languages," she said. More tellingly, a willingness to listen: "Our interaction with the rest of the world must be a conversation, not a monologue." Public diplomacy would be welcomed by many - today's anti-Americanism is in no small part attributable to the inabilities of the first Bush and Clinton administrations to channel meaningful dialogue, allow for genuine exchange in creating a balance of power that favours freedom.

The heady days of freedom following the collapse of communism meant that many international leaders took the US for granted. After all, no military force was used to bring the Soviet Union down. A realist diplomat, willing to listen and talk before acting may be what will swing the pendulum back to a time of promise rather than fear. That fear is present in every corner of the world - outposts of tyranny aside, intolerance and hate are visible on every continent. It would be facile to single out any key challenge here, such as the Middle East process. We should focus on the larger picture, one which Rice seems bent of resolving by spreading democracy. She won't be breaking any new ground; however, through transformational diplomacy, and willingness to listen rather than dictate through action may do much to bring the world back on side with America. The carrot and the stick are integral to this foreign policy. How to wield the two may be Rice's biggest challenge in achieving a new balance of peaceful power.

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