ESSAY
Jaan Ruus. Eesti film ootab eksegeetikuid
Peale põhimõttelise küsimuse, mida pidada kõige esimeseks eesti filmiks, on probleemiks, et eesti esimesed filmid peale harvade erandite ei ole säilinud. Soome filmiajaloole aluspanija Kari Uustalo alustaski vanadest ajalehtedest nende filmireklaamikuulutusi süstematiseerides. Hästi otsides võib siiski ka eesti ajalehtedest leida ka arvustusi ja teoretiseeringuid. Järjepidevus eesti kinos on veel läi valgustamata. Eesti filmi allikmaterjalid filmialoo olulistel hetkedel on paljus veel korrektselt arvele võtmata.Kõneldes “Eesti Film 100” puhul Tartu Ülikooli aulakoosolekul ettekandega teemal “Eesti film ja tõlgendamise vaevad” rõhutas pro.Peeter Torop kui oluline on kultuuri eneseväljendus ja enesekirjeldus, kultuuri (resp. filmi) autokommunikatsioon. Ja juba enne on Torop hoiatanud, et kui kunstiteose sünniga kirjelduskeelt ei teki, siis kultuuri jälge ei jää. Senini veel terviklik eesti filmi ajalugu puudub.
Eesti filmi ja kino ajalugu ootab filmi- ja kultuuriajaloolasi, kes nende täpsed sünnihetked ja kasvamise murrangulised sündmused korrektselt kronoloogilisse tabelisse paigutaksid ja teeksid seda eesti, veelgi parem maailma kultuuri kontekstis.
ARTICLES
Peeter Espak. King Utu-hegal, the Liberator of Sumer and Restorer of Divine Justice.
The paper gives and overview of the period of the Sumerian king Utu-hegal (ca 2020-2012 BC) who was able to vanquish the barbaric Gutian tribes. The Gutians had gained control over the territories of the crumbled Akkadian empire already during the reign of the Sargonic ruler Šarkališarri. The nature and characteristics of Gutians and their rule is briefly analysed based on the later Sumerian literary texts such as “The curse of Akkade” . The paper also presents a complete commended translation of one hymnic royal inscription of Utu-hegal describing his military campaign against the Gutian general Tirigan and the final victory of Utu-hegal.
Special intention is given to the possible political events that might have taken place after the Gutians were driven out of Sumer and several independent or semi-independent states and kings had power struggle over the supremacy of Mesopotaamia. Authentic texts clearly show that the state of Lagaš had a border conflict with the state of Ur – then probably already governed by its independent ruler Ur-Namma. This conflict was solved by the action of Utu-hegal, the king of Uruk, who gave back the annexed territories to the state of Lagaš. It is impossible to claim with certainly what kind of events took place after this conflict since no interpredable and explonary royal inscriptions have been found. However, it is evident that the king of Ur, Ur-Namma, manages to suppress or even kill all the other independent rulers of Sumer and establish the III Dynasty of Ur which dominates over yhe entire Near East for the next 100 years.
Anu Mänd. Women, memoria and sacred space in late medieval Livonia
The aim of the article is to analyse from the gender perspective the rituals of commemoration and the artworks connected to memoria. The article focusses particularly (though not only) on the urban upper and middle layers, meaning the wives and widows of merchants and artisans. First, I have explored the role of women in corporate associations: in which context were the guild sisters referred to in the statutes of guilds and confraternities, how was their participation regulated in the rituals of burial and commemoration, and whether they were entrusted with some special task during these rituals. Thereafter, I have investigated the strategies and opportunities of women of different social, economic and marital status to establish their own memoria by, for example, endowing a chantry (vicaria), commissioning a tombstone, or donating a liturgical object.
From the second half of the 15th century until the Reformation events, which in Riga and Tallinn culminated in 1524, women from the urban elite were comparatively active in sponsoring memorial masses and intercessory prayers for themselves and their ancestors. The widows of the vassals and merchants, particularly the childless ones, could naturally afford to spend much larger sums on their memoria than for example the middle-class women. They endowed chantries, donated expensive objects to the church (e.g. stained-glass windows, pews, chalices etc.), as well as designed their own burial and annual commemoration. They prescribed what was to be depicted on the donated objects (e.g. their patron saint and coat of arms) and where and when it had to be used. They had the act of donation recorded in the documents or inscribed on the vessel. All these means were to emphasize the high status, wealth and power of these women, to perpetuate their memory and to smoothen their path to Paradise.
Poorer women had limited opportunities to contribute to their memoria. They could join a religious guild or confraternity in order to guarantee a decent burial for themselves and to be remembered in the intercessory prayers of the confraternity members.
Women, unlike men, had multiple identities – they could define themselves as a member of their natal or marital family. Consequently, women could decide if they wished to be buried at their spouse or elsewhere, for example, in their parents’ burial place. Noble widows could decide if they wanted their tombstone (or other objects) decorated with their husband’s coat of arms, with their own or with both. All these decisions provide us with valuable information on the secular and religious aspirations of women and of their self-perception.
Although women played a far more modest role in the public life than men, they had the opportunity to influence the sacred space through their commemorative bequests and to some extent even “feminize” it. Typical of their gender, women donated clothes, jewelry and household items. Particularly personal gift from “a woman to a woman” was a rosary, adornment or dress that was meant to decorate the statue of the Virgin Mary or some other female saint. Liturgical vessels, furniture and tombstones commissioned by women or for women, and provided with their coat of arms or with a proper inscription, had a long-lasting influence on the church interior and functioned as bearers of collective memory.
Karsten Brüggemann.Memory and idendity of Russians in the Baltic states. On the construction of the history of a national minority.
The present article aims, on the hand, at afirst analysis of the large amount of literature accumulated in the last decade about Russians on the territory of the present day Baltic states. On the other hand it is meant as a call for a reevaluation of the ethnic perspectives prevalent in local history writing. The history of Russians permanently settling in the region dates back at least to the late 17th century, and it is most of all thanks to the work of Tartu professor emeritus Sergei Issakov that we know about it. His recently published first part of a study devolted to the past Of Russians in Estonia serves as a starting point for a broader analyses attempted in this article.
What is striking in the literature on Russians in he region so far, is the concentration on more or less well known individuals. This might have to do with the predominance of literary scholar in the field, but it leaves the picture socially imbalanced. If Issakov is right, that Russians today don´t have a feeling for the historical roots of their kin in region. However, if you want to create a sensibility for this historical presence, you hardly reach it with a perspective on the elites only. Therefore we need more stories of the multiple layers ofRussian historical experience in the region: How did Russian women and men live in Riga in 1820, 1850, 1930? How different was this experience for merchants, craftspeople and workers? What can we say about imperial soldiers or officials based in Reval or Riga just for a few years? How werw Russians affected by dominant Protestantism in the Baltic provinces? Do we know anything about the particular Russian-Jewish-German symb iosis in the urban milieus in the 19th century? Can we say anything about Russian migrants in the early 20th century, not the least in order to put Soviet mass immigration in a proper historical context?
Howewver, the construct of an ethnic group tends to isolate its agents from the surrounding milieus. Therefore, we would benefit from a complex history of communication of the various social and ethnic groups historically present on the territory of the modern Balic states. So far, Issakov´s study provides us with the very welcomed missing link between the already existing separate stories of Baltic Germans and Estonians. Hopefully, this kind of reseatch can encourage the development of a strong local idendity of the Russian minority as a much needed prerequisite for cultural integration an as a bridge over the break of the years 140/41 that was felt by local Russians no less than by Estonians.
Meelis Maripuu. Eesti omamaise haldusvõimu taastamine NSV Liidu ja Saksamaa vahelise sõja tingimustes.
Vt. Tuna 2012, nr 1 (55) lk.159
Kristina Burinskaite. Specific aspects of USSR KGB unit in Lithuania in 1954-1990
Analysis of Lithuanian SSR KGB activity and relationshio with political power helps to understand this institution and whole totalitarian soviet system and its policy in Lithuania better. It is also important to show that KGB was not secret service as it analogous in western countries that do intelligence and counterintelligence functions.
In this article it ids described how specific aspects influences KGB activity, used methods. Ideological evaluation of specific Lithuanian history moments like postwar partisan movement, period of independent Lithuania 1919-1940 were very important in forming discredit action against former political prisoners, who were also very active dissidents. Inner and international events like events in Hungary in 1956, and Prague in 1968, self-burn of Romas Kalanta in 1972 in Kaunas also were very important in forming repressive policy. Antisoviet activity forms of Lithuanian émigré´, dissidents also forced KGB to change tactic in struggling with Lithuanian anti-Soviet powers. But goals of Lithuanian Communist Party influenced KGB activity mostly. Also this article reveals KBB methods such as repressions, discredit , propaganda, and disinformation were used against anti-Soviet resistance is presented.
DOCUMENTS AND COMMENTARY
Valdur Ohmann. Kõrkküla ehk vene bojaari Vassili Rosladini ristist
Tallinn- Narva maanteel ääres , 81.kilomeetri kaugusel Narvast, asub vene bojaari Vassili Rosladini hukkumispaika püstitatud paekivist kivirist. See asub väikese kohakese Kõrkküla piirialal. Vassili Rosladin põgenes vene tsaari Ivan Julma repressioonide eest rootslaste poole üle. Artiklisse on kokku kogutud napid andmed Vassili Rosladinist ja tema jõudmisest Rootsi alluvuses olevasse Eestisse.
Rootsi teenistusse asunud Vassili Rosladin langes vene vägede rünnaku käigus 4.veebruaril 1590. aastal. Selle sündmuse tähistatud paekivist ristil oli saksa keeles (läänepoolsel küljel) ja teisel pool (idapoolsel küljel) vana-slaavi keeles raidkiri. Saksakeelse teksti lahtimõtestamisega pole olnud probleeme. Vana-slaavi teksti kokkulugemine ja lahtimõtrestamine on olnud seni problemaatiline. Probleemi juured seisavad selles, et teksti lahtimõtestamisel on lähtutud baltisaksa joonistustest, mis ei anna kirjapandut edasi päris autentselt. Vana-slaavi teksti mõistmata, ei pruukinud baltisakslaste joonised olla päris täpsed. Praeguseks ajaks on saksakeelne tekst ilmastikumõjude tõttu ristilt peaaegu täiesti alla varisenud. Vana-slaavi tekst on samuti kustumas, kuid seni veel märgatav. Arhiivinduses on kustuv tekst tõsine probleem, kuid samamoodi võib selle probleemiga kokku puutuda ka raidkirjade puhul.
Otsides selgust vana-slaavi raidkirja tekstis, jõuti Vene Teaduste Akadeemia korrespondentliikme filoloogiadoktor Aleksei Gippiuseni, kes oli valmis üritama kokku lugeda ja lahti mõtestada kirjapandu. Artikli kirjutamise algfaasis sai Aleksei Gippius baltisakslaste joonise kiviristist. Joonis on olnud paari sajandi jooksul põhiline allikas, millega püüti jõuda teksti sisuni. Aleksei Gippiuse vastus joonise põhjal tundus olevat tekstitõlgenduse seisukohalt ebakindel. Edasise uurimise käigus ilmnes, et umbes paarkümmend aastat tagasi on Kõrkküla kiviristist tehtud üsna terav ja kvaliteetne foto vana-slaavi tekstist. Foto saadeti Moskvasse Aleksei Gippiusele. Vastus tuli õige pea, milles palju rohkem kindlust ja optimismi.
Arvuti võimaldab fotot suurendada, vähendada, teravust juurde lisada ja muid lisaväärtusi juurde anda, milliseid varasematel tekstitõlgendajatel käepärast võtta polnud. Szelle tulemusena võib nentida, et Aleksei Gippius jõudis vana-slaavi tekstitõlgenduse osas senisest kõrgemate tasemeteni. Artiklis on avaldatud Aleksei Gippiuse kokkuloetud ja kirjapandud vana-slaavi raidkirja tekst.
Kuigi Vasili Rosladini kiviristilt on raidkirjad kustumas, võib tänu Eesti Rahvusarhiivi digiteerimisprojektile Fotis leida foto Kõrkküla kiviristist, millel jäädvustatud loetavana vana-slaavi tekst. See avab vana-slaavi kirjakeele spetsialistidele edaspidigi vastava tekstiga tegeleda. Looduskahjustustele vaatamata on meil õnnestunud säilitada informatsioon enam kui 400 aastat tagasi kivisse raiutud tekstist. Tõsi, seda küll teisenenud kujul.., fotol – ja nüüd juba veelgi kaasaegsemal ehk digiliseeritud kujul.
Aare Ermel. Ita Rina külastas Tartut
Silvia Nurmoja: Minu ema elukäik.
1901.aasta 25.augustil sündis Peterburis Klaara-Louise Kruus, kes pärast kirjut lapse-ja varajast noorpõlve opteerus Eestisse ja sai filmiühingule “Estonia-Film” kuulunud kino “Rekord” kassapreiliks. Kui 1924.aastal hakati “Eesti National Filmi” egiidi all väntama esimest eesti täispikka mängufilmi, kuhu ta kutsuti mängima tuntud eesti näitleja Ants Lauteri kehastatava muistsete eestlaste vanema pruuti Lainet, kelle ristirüütlid ära röövisid. Filmi ennast pole säilinud.
Liivi Uuet. 5000 lehekülge filmiajalugu
1957.aastal Tallinnfilmis loodud valdavalt loomeinimestest koosnev kunstinõukogu roll eesti filmiajaloos on tänuväärne. Nõukogu tegeles episooditi jooksvate ja pikaajaliste plaanidega, vaatas läbi mängufilmide stsenaariume ja näitlejate filmiproove ning kinnitas osalised, vaatas läbi filmitud materjali ja lõpetatud filme. Alates 1961.aastast tegeldi ka dokumentaalfilmidega, asutati filmide ja dublaaži tasustamisgrupid. Aastail 1958-1990 koosolekutel arutatu on talletunud enam kui 5000 leheküljel protokollidel. Algul stenografeeriti kõik arutelud, hiljem piirduti ka lühemate refereeringutega. Kuna stsenaariumide arutelud toimetuskolleeegiumis muutuvad põhjalikumaks, jõuavad filmid kunstinõukogusse juba lavastusprojektidena.
Artiklis vaadeldakse selle tohutu materjali tutvustamiseks kolme filmi – kõigist pingutustest hoolimata ebaõnnestunud perekond “Männardeid” (1960), stuudio toodangu üht tähtteost “Hullumeelsust” (1969) ja dokumentalistika tippteost “Künnimehe väsimus” (1983). Eri isikute täpselt fikseeritud arvamused ja hinnangud, mis antud loominguliselt vabas õhkkonnas ja võivad just selle vabaduse tõttu erineda publitseeritud filmikriitikast, annavad kahtlemata olulist lisa meie filmiajaloole.
AJALOOFILOSOOFIA
Aviezer Tucker. The Future of the Philosophy of History.
This article argues that the perception of decline among philosophers of history reflects the diffused weak academic status of the discipline, as distinct from the booming research activity and demand for philosophy of history that keep space with the growth rate of publications in the philosophies of science and law. This growth is justified and rational because the basic problems of the philosophy of history, concerning the nature of historiographical knowledge and the metaphysical assumptions of historiography, have maintained their relevance. Substantive philosophy of history has an assured popularity but is not likely to win intellectual respectability because of its epistemic weaknesses. I suggest focusing on problems that a study of historiography can help to understand and even solve, as distinct from problems that cannot be decided by an examination of historiography, such as the logical structure of explanation (logical positivism) and the relation between language and underdeterminismty (post-structuralism). In particular, following Quine´s naturalized epistemology, I suggest placing the relation between evidence and historiography at the center of the philosophy of historiography. Inspired by the philosophy of law, I suggest there are three possible relations between input (evidence) and output in historiography: determinism, indeterminism an underdeterminism. An empirical examination of historiographical agreement, disagreement and failure to communicate may indicate with relation holds at which parts of historiography. The historographical community seeks consensus, but some areas are subject to disagreements and absence of communication; these are associated with historiographical schools that interpret conflicting models of history differently to fit their evidence. The reasons fot this underdetermination of historiography by evidence needs to be invesyigated future.
KULTUURILOOLISEST ARHIIVIST
Sirje Olesk. Mana tegijad ja taust
Eesti literaat Hellar Grabbi (sünd.1929) sai 2012.aastal Eesti Vabariigi kultuuripreemia elutöö eest. Washintonis elav Hellar Grabbi oli paguluses aastatel 1965-1991 ilmuva eestikeelse kultuuriajakirja Mana toimetaja. Ajakiri keskendus kirjandusele , kuid paistis Eesti paguluses silma sellega, et käsitles kultuuri ja kirjandust Nõukogude eestis: Eesti diasporaa välismaal oli hästi organiseerunud ja kultuurivõimekas. 1944.aastal olid Punaarmee eest põgenedes Eestist lahkunud ja pagulusse siirdunud suur osa eesti parematest kirjanikest ja must loovintelligentsist. Kultuurilises mõttes sai pagulaselu keskuseks Rootsi, kus 1945.aastal organiseeriti Väliseesti Kirjanike Liit. Rootsis ilmusid kaks tähtsamat eestikeelset kirjandusajakirja: 1951.aastal asutatud Tulimuld (traditsiooniline ja eestimeelne) ning 1957. aastal asutatud Mana. Mana oli rõhutatult noorema ja mässulisema generatsiooni väljaanne, eriti pärast seda, kui selle toimetamine viidi Rootsist üle USA-sse ja toimetajaks sai Hellar Grabbi. Nõukogude Eestis olid mõlemad ajakirjad, nagu ka suur osa pagulasväljaannetest, keelatud kirjandus. Ka pidas valdav osa pagulasi Nõukogude eestit okupeeritud maaks, kus valitses neile vaenulik ideoloogia ning vastavalt oli ka seal loodav kultuur vaenuliku ideoloogia kandja ja kunstiliselt väheväärtuslik. Niisugune arusaam oli tõene 1940. ja 1950.aastatel, kuid 1960.aastatel hakkas olukord muutuma. Hellar Grabbi ja nn Mana aktiiv jälgis kirjanduse ärkamist ja uuenemist kodumaal. Mana hoiak oli eesti pagulaskontekstis avatud ja liberaalne ning see tekitas probleeme teiste pagulaste seas. Samas võisid Hellar Grabbi ja tema mõttekaaslased minna kompromissidele, mis ei olnud rahvuslastele vastuvõetavad. Kodumaa külastamine KGB variorganisatsiooni VEKSA kaudu ja mud koostöö viisid äratasid kahtlust. Teiselt poolt olid kodumaaga suhtlejad enamasti kahtlased ka nõukogude ametnike silmis. Osalt seepärast oli Mana, mida legaalselt ENSV-s lugeda ei saanud, siinsete inimeste seas legendaarne. H.Grabbi viis kirja Ameerikast selleaegsele noorele luuletajale Jaan Kaplinskile Eestisse aastatel 1965-1967 illustreerivad kujukalt kummagi poole huvi teisel pool elavate inimeste ja nende tegevuse vastu. Hellar Grabbi seletab eesti kirjanike omavahelisi suhteid paguluses, enda ja oma mõttekaaslaste vaatekohti, ning selleaegseid päevapoliitilisi küsimusi vabas maailmas. Ta arutleb ka võimaluse üle, kuidas saaks legaalselt rohkem kodumaaga suhelda, kuid need plaanid ei realiseeru, sest 1960.aastate lõpus muutuvad reeglid nõukogude kodanike suhtlemisel välismaailmaga taas rangemaks. Kirjad näitavad kujukalt, missuguses infosulus elati Nõukogude eestis ning ka seda, kuidas loomulikku huvi teisel pool raudset eesriiet elavate kaasmaalaste vastu ei suutnud maha suruda mingi ideoloogia.